Difficult Times Ahead For Kyrgyzstan
Though extraneous external factors exacerbated the Kyrgyz crisis, its roots basically lie in the domestic domain, says the analyst and opines that Otunbayeva's tenuous hold over power structure puts question mark over her ability to handle the crisis.
By Prof Nirmala Joshi*
Recent violent incidents in the Central Asian State of Kyrgyzstan which saw precious innocent lives lost and thousands injured was symptomatic of the simmering discontent that was waiting to erupt. The immediate anger of the people was not just a hike in utility prices but the steep rise in fuel price due to suspension of shipments by Russia. Thousands of demonstrators gathered in the central square of Bishkek, the capital, and resorted to looting and rioting. This is the second major crisis in the short history of Kyrgyzstan as a modern independent nation-state. It was accompanied by mob violence; Interior Minister Moldomusa Kongatiyev was lynched while the Deputy Prime Minister was taken as a hostage in the northern province of Talas.Earlier in March 2005 a fraudulent vote to the parliamentary election triggered a massive demonstration against the Presidency which very soon escalated into a popular upsurge . People were exasperated with low quality of life, rampant corruption and failed expectations. Their ire was directed against the President Askar Akayev and his family for nepotism and corruption. Opposition to Akayev came mainly from the South, for in Kyrgyzstan’s politics the north-south divide plays a crucial role. The tenacity of the opposition and the loss of lives forced Akayev to leave the country; initially to neighbouring Kazakhstan and then to Moscow where he now lives the life of an exile.
Within a gap of five years the same pattern was repeated; loss of innocent lives, looting , demonstrations and rioting. There was one significant difference though; the opposition to President Kurmanbek Bakiyev came from the north as he hails from Jalal-Abad, (also written as Dzhalalabad), a southern province. The issues that rocked the country this time are practically the same---economic hardship with prices galloping at a fast clip, and corruption. The anger of the people was directed against Bakiyev and his family for corruption and fraud.
Fearing for his own as well as his family’s life, Bakiyev has also fled the country. He moved into Kazakhstan and is now in Belarus with three other members of his family. Maksim Bakiyev, the son of the ousted President, reportedly diverted enormous amount of funds given by Russia for the construction of Kambar-Ata hydro power plant to a Foundation headed by him. Many observers believe that Bakiyev’s departure has quelled fears of an imminent civil war breaking out in Kyrgyzstan though unrest continues. That is largely because of the absence of strong indigenous groups advocating armed struggle.
QUESTION MARK OVER LEGITIMACY
An equally pertinent point is that Bakiyev did not go to Moscow, instead is in Minsk. It is well known that there were strains in Kyrgyzstan’s relations with Russia. Do the Kyrgyz developments suggest that the system needs further strengthening? Though Kyrgyzstan is still in the process of completing its systemic transformation, its people have demonstrated a high degree of democratic tendencies. Moreover the ongoing crisis suggests that Kyrgyzstan is also vulnerable to external pressures.
Kyrgyzstan as a nation-state has still to evolve. Earlier it was the melting pot of numerous tribes who came from the east, the west, and the north and settled here. The various tribes who had settled in the region led to the emergence of a multi- ethnic society. The tribes retained their distinct characteristics. No single tribe played a dominant role those days. There was no question some being more equal than others. Hence they also remained disunited. The Mongols were able to defeat them for this very reason.
Another feature of Kyrgyz people is that they have been nomads especially those living in the north. This has inculcated in the people values of openness and independence. In this context it is worth noting that the Kyrgyz flag depicts Sun against a red background. The Sun has forty rays signifying the equality of the forty tribes that are part of Kyrgyzstan. This historical background has shaped the development of Kyrgyz politics. Consequently, there is neither a strong elite nor a political group or party that could exercise a powerful influence over the Presidency. Interestingly ,the recent crisis erupted despite the absence of a strong or a charismatic leader or a political group.
In the absence of adequate checks and balances, a tendency towards authoritarianism, corruption and nepotism develops. President Akayev appointed his family members and close friends to position of power, and his successor did the same. Both the Presidents paid little attention to peoples’ grievances and to alleviate them. That is why the Kyrgyz political system suffers from sustainable popular support. Due to the erosion of the government’s popular base its grip on power is weak. The government should have embarked on people oriented projects.
ANTI-RUSSIAN MOOD
Another noticeable trend in the present crisis was the anti-Russian mood of the people. Russian influence in Kyrgyzstan has always been strong particularly in the North; there are sizeable ethnic Russians living in the country; there are also Russian supporters at all levels in the government. Soviet personnel policy in each Central Asian country was driven by regional favourtism. In Kyrgyzstan it was the northern provinces of Chui, Talas and Naryn. Such policies exacerbated regional and tribal rivalries. There is not much change in these policies even now. That is why Chui, Talas and Naryn were the targets of the protesters.
At the wider level Kyrgyzstan, like other Central Asian States, has been caught in the vortex of ‘great power competition’ between the U S and Russia primarily for influence and control of natural resources of the region, political and strategic advantage. China has developed deep interests in Kyrgyzstan, in constructing the transport corridors. The U S - Russia competition manifested itself in the military sphere. In 2001 Kyrgyzstan granted on lease to the US military base facilities at Manas near Bishkek. The Manas link was vital for the U S for its conduct of ‘war on terror’ in Afghanistan.
The continuation of US military presence in Manas even after the Taliban had been defeated began to cause unease in Russia especially in military circles . The hardliners in Russia were keen that the US vacate the base, more so as it was in contravention to Kyrgyzstan’s membership of the Collective Security Treaty Organistaion (CSTO), a Russia led military and security grouping. A senior Russian official said: “In Kyrgyzstan there should be only one base --- Russian”.
The CSTO has base facilities in Kant some thirty miles from Manas. In 2009, when Manas lease to the US expired, the Bakiyev government came under pressure not to renew it, though the rent is an important source of revenue. Initially, Bakiyev asked the US to vacate the base. Kyrgyz Parliament also voted in favour of vacation. For the US, the Manas base is still crucial. It is the vital transport link of military supplies to Afghanistan. So, in a sense, mutual necessity led to renegotiation of the lease. According to the new agreement, the rent has been enhanced and it is now called “transit facility”. Reports suggest that the U S may open a Centre for military training near Osh where the CSTO has its second military base.
After the announcement that the Kyrgyz is seeking vacation of the Manas base, the Russian government offered financial incentives to the tune US $ 2 billion--- some of which has reached Kyrgyzstan. Moscow is unhappy the way the money is being siphoned off.
By early April, chill had set in Kyrgyz-Russian ties. Popular mood was also against Russia because of suspension of fuel supplies. Perhaps Russia was aware that such a step would cause massive discontent. Mayveka, a village near Bishkek, largely inhabited by Russians and Turks became a target. The protesters seized lands and resorted to looting and arson.
According to a Kyrgyz expert, Mars Sariev, the crisis was fomented by Russian media. Moscow wants to strengthen its positions, military presence in Kyrgyzstan playing the card of anti-Russian moods, he says. ‘Russia sees that the interim government does not hold a strong pro-Russian position and understands that Kyrgyzstan won’t go under Russia’s umbrella since this would be contrary to the interests of the country. Russia wants to strengthen its geopolitical position here’, Sariev told Akipress, the Kyrgyz news agency.
President Dmitri Medvedev is likely to consider sending Russian troops in defense of ethnic Russians. A Meeting of the CSTO has been convened to discuss Kyrgyz issue.
Though there may have been extraneous external factors that exacerbated the Kyrgyz crisis, its roots basically lie in the domestic domain. Otunbayeva has a tenuous hold over power structure, which raises the question whether she can effectively tackle the root cause of the crisis. More importantly, will she be able to raise requisite amount of money for peoples welfare schemes. Difficult times lay ahead for Kyrgyzstan.



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